Autumn for Elly Schlein, who will close the national Unity festival in Reggio Emilia today, will be a time of major decisions. In addition to those already known and no longer postponable – primaries, program, alliance perimeter – another one has been added that does not promise to be simple.
In six months, on March 12, 2027, her term as secretary ends. As stated in article 8 of the Pd statute, in fact, the office of national secretary lasts 4 years. The same article reads that “the president of the National Assembly calls the election of the Assembly and the national secretary six months before the expiration of the term of the current secretary.” Yesterday, therefore, Stefano Bonaccini, president of the assembly, should have started the congress.
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Today we are already in a territory not contemplated by the statute. The problem is that, with the political elections to be held next year and the coalition primaries almost certainly to be done, no one, neither in the majority nor in the democratic minority, wants to add a third competition, the congress, a process that in the Pd lasts no less than three months, including the phase of members and voters. Everyone agrees, therefore, to postpone the congress. But – another problem – by how much? If voting is in spring, as likely, it would make sense to extend it by a year. But if the elections are at the natural expiration, that is in September 2027, it would be necessary to go beyond a year. And it becomes complicated to justify such a long extension. At that point, some say, it would be reasonable to start the congress in May or June. Something that would not displease Schlein’s inner circle either, because in this way the secretary would be secured for another 4 years. But there is a downside: a congress in spring-summer would give time for a challenger to present themselves, perhaps even a new member (as Schlein did at the congress she won). Let’s connect the dots: Silvia Salis.
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Then there is a second problem, this time statutory. In the history of the Pd there are no precedents of mandate extension, since it is the first time that a secretary reaches natural expiration. A circumstance, it must be said, for which a normal party would carry that secretary in triumph. In the Pd, however, plots have been multiplying for months to force Schlein not to do what, moreover, the statute provides: the premier candidate. And not only because someone considers her less “competitive” than Conte. There are also reasons related to the many ambitions of individuals: one argument heard, for example, is that “if the premier is Conte, the Pd will have the right to more ministers.” Just as “if the M5S takes Palazzo Chigi, we (Pd, editor’s note) get the Quirinale.”
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SCHEDULE AND DIRECTION
Returning to the congress issue, those dealing with it have found article 55.3.5 of the Statute, a transitional provision which provides that, “if exceptional circumstances require it, or considering the dates on which the regional elections will be held, the national direction can establish changes to the congress calendar.” Therefore, some say, just convene the direction. But others do not think so, according to whom it is a transitional rule linked to the 2023 congress, so it is not a general rule. Others cite article 5, paragraph 7, which states that, in case of “resignation or termination of the mandate due to natural expiration,” the secretary continues to perform some functions, such as “the use of the symbol solely for the purpose of carrying out all activities necessary for the presentation of lists in electoral rounds…”. However, this is not a real extension. The moral, according to most, is that the most straightforward way is to amend the statute, providing for and detailing a circumstance – the extension that now does not exist. However, this can only be done by the national assembly (700 members) and with an absolute majority vote. And here we come to the political problem.
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The various factions (minority, but also majority) are excluded from signing blank checks. Especially if the duration of the extension is long. The objects of the negotiations, then, will be two. First: 37 current parliamentarians have exceeded the limit of three terms and therefore need, to run again, a waiver. Who to grant it to is decided by the secretary. And it is known that Schlein, next time, would like new faces more in line with her. Then there are the electoral lists. If the current law passes, the only ones safe will be the lead candidates, the others will have to seek preferences.
How to divide the lead candidates among the democratic factions will therefore be another thorny issue. Some are considering challenging Schlein with various proposals. Because, for example, why not run about ten big names in more constituencies (up to 5 is allowed), thus triggering more elected with preferences, since then the elected big name will have to choose a seat, leaving 4 free? The other idea is to propose to those who have already exceeded three terms to run where preferences are taken. But, precisely, these are proposals that Schlein will have to negotiate with the factions. In exchange for the extension.
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