The news and analysis from the Financial Times on Russian activism align with the investigation published by Le Monde at the end of August and the German government’s accusations regarding Moscow’s responsibility for explosive drones at Leipzig airport. These are pieces of a mosaic that seem to reveal a hostile, systematic, and transnational strategy, which from Scandinavia to Germany, passing through France, the Baltic countries, and other European states, aims to weaken democratic processes from within, manipulate public opinion, influence elections, and erode citizens’ trust in institutions.
No one can imagine that Italy is exempt from risks. It would be naive to think that our democratic system is impermeable to disinformation operations, interference attempts, or cyberattacks, many of which are silently countered every day by the commendable work of our security structures. And it would be equally naive to believe that the Meloni government and the center-right majority, which have maintained a clear and firm position on Italy’s international placement and support for Kyiv, can consider themselves safe from these disturbing dynamics. It is a phenomenon that is unseen, makes no noise, but grows exponentially. In the first half of the year alone, over 2000 cyber events were recorded in our country, a 47 percent increase compared to the same period last year.
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Faced with this scenario, concern is not only legitimate but necessary and calls into question both majorities and oppositions. Security, especially democratic security, is not a partisan flag but a national and European interest. For this reason, I consider a strong, coordinated, and immediate community initiative indispensable. We cannot afford fragmented responses while hostile actors operate methodically, continuously, and with clear objectives. The defense of our democratic institutions must become a shared priority, with common tools, advanced technological capabilities, and stable and strengthened high-level cooperation among Member States.
An integrated European strategy against foreign interference is needed, capable of networking intelligence, skills, and technologies even more. And it is necessary to strengthen the resilience of democratic processes, protecting elections from digital manipulations and hostile operations, while simultaneously investing in cybersecurity and combating disinformation, with common standards and shared capabilities.
But above all, we must promote a culture of democratic vigilance that does not end with the actions of institutions but fully involves the media and citizens, especially young people and the very young. It is essential to make them aware of the challenges on the horizon, offering knowledge tools that strengthen their critical abilities, the discernment of those who inhabit the web, and the understanding of the mechanisms through which manipulations, interferences, and hostile content spread. Also because informational vulnerability does not arise only from external actors but also from cognitive asymmetries, polarization, algorithms that reward conflict, and business models that incentivize virality over accuracy and that also require responsibility from major platforms. This is the greatest challenge of our time. Because we must defend democracy with the same determination with which others seek to weaken it.
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