Schlein and Conte remain silent to avoid losing votes from the militant union | Libero Quotidiano.it

Maybe because, as he himself said, “he doesn’t turn away from anything,” Maurizio Landini did not see those men who turned their backs in protest when Ignazio La Russa began to speak. The gentlemen were wearing red shirts and had scarves around their necks intertwined with the writings of the Cgil and the Fgtb, the Belgian communist union twin of the Italian one, but the secretary must have missed the detail, although he knows them all well. They showed their backs to express contempt while the president of the Senate commemorated the dead of Marcinelle, 262 miners of eleven nationalities, 136 of whom came from our country. The aim was to embarrass the delegates of the Italian government, this year represented by members of Fdi, but the result was to put the Cgil and the broad left parties in difficulty. La Russa was in fact reading a speech written by the president of the Republic, Sergio Mattarella, and it is to him and the highest Italian institutions that, despite the hasty patches that Landini and Friends tried to put on afterwards, the turncoat unionists showed disrespect.

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The gaffe is colossal and the Belgian comrades found themselves having to take all the blame, climbing on mirrors to even claim it was an antifascist gesture, because seventy years ago, in 1956, Italian miners died because of fascism, which impoverished Italy, forcing its citizens to emigrate. The history is elsewhere. Italians migrated well before the Twenty Years and much less after. Our miners were there because of the pact that Alcide De Gasperi’s Christian Democracy signed with Brussels: men in exchange for coal. The Fgtb shielded Landini to prevent him from clashing with Mattarella, which would have forced Elly Schlein and Giuseppe Conte to criticize the Cgil secretary, something neither of them can afford at this particular historical moment. It is very strange, however, that our unionist was unaware of the protest. The Reggio leader in fact organized a two-day event with the Belgian colleagues that looks like a honeymoon. Visits to the museum, joint demonstrations in the square, and dinner together on Friday, side-by-side ceremony on Saturday. To be with the Fgtb comrades, good Maurizio even skipped the study appointment organized by the Ecr, the group to which Fdi belongs in the European Parliament, which was attended by all the other Italian unions, Ugl, Cisl, Uil.

One of two things. In the first hypothesis, the Belgians were with Landini the whole time without telling him anything and then set him up for the final prank, which would mean that the Cgil leader no longer counts for anything. In the second hypothesis, the man for whom Meloni is just “a courtesan of Donald Trump” knew something, maybe the whole thing was even agreed upon, but he did not calculate the effects of the protest with a view of the Quirinale. Blinded by hatred towards La Russa, he did not realize that the turned backs hit Mattarella and all of Italy. The secretary’s behavior, who despite requests from our country did not disavow the Fgtb colleagues and even attacked Meloni, because “with all the things she has to do she finds time to comment on lies,” leans towards the second answer. Distancing from the Belgian union would have meant for the Cgil the risk of being contradicted by the twin organization and would have been a breach of the pact anyway.

It remains to be understood why the leaders of the Italian left, always proud standard-bearers of the president and guardians of the workers, were also silent. The answer lies in the fight to the death that Elly and Giuseppi are waging over who will be the premier candidate of the broad left. Since no one wants to step aside, and one’s refusal strengthens and legitimizes the other’s stubbornness, it is likely that the primaries will really decide. And here comes into play the Landini factor, who is untouchable by the leaders of Pd and M5S. The Cgil’s consensus machine is indeed able to move two to three hundred thousand votes, thus determining who will win the consultation. Schlein knows this very well, who did not defeat Stefano Bonaccini thanks to the vote of young people or the LGBTQ+ world, as she claims, but because of the decisive support of Spi, the Cgil pensioners, and the red Emilian union. And Conte knows it too, who has already launched more than one bridge towards Corso d’Italia.

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Now, however, Elly is no longer so good with Maurizio. The reason? Precisely the battle for the minimum wage, which the Pd has among the main points of the government and the Landini supporters do not want, to the point that they are tightening a pact with Confindustria for representation in contracts that sidelines the Dem claim. Schlein has the leverage of the parliamentary candidacy to bring the union leader to her side, but in the end Conte could have it too, to whom the secretary, whose mandate expires just before the vote, is closer by nature and thought.

Landini knows these things very well and takes advantage of his impunity on the left to turn the mishap that happened to him in Belgium into a government invention. After all, even if, and it is unlikely, the Cgil secretary has no active responsibility, or still does not know well the dynamics of the Marcinelle turncoat, one thing is undeniable: he is responsible for having preached hatred against the Italian institutions wherever he happened to go and yesterday our country, the relatives of the dead miners, and even the last survivor of the tragedy still alive, Urbano Ciacci, reaped the fruits of the bad sowing.

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