Here we go again with hegemony. Or rather the cultural counter-hegemony of the right that was supposed to have failed. Andrea Minuz wrote about it in Il Foglio and we, reverently, read it. Among other things, we also agree that Cencelli when governing is more helpful than Gramsci: just place the right people in the right place. However, it is necessary to make some clarifications. My friend Andrea Tomasini, writer and photographer, created a beautiful exhibition and in one of his shots he captured a statue from the EUR, the Genius of Sport, surrounded by scaffolding tubes. From that metallic tangle, an arm extends in a Roman salute. It seems the perfect metaphor for what could have been the cultural mission of the governing right: not a-fascism but the historicization of fascism. Not the refusal to answer the question: are you antifascist? But telling opponents: we have settled the accounts with fascism, and you? Yes, because while a nice exhibition on hobbits and elves was being set up, the topic of fascism always emerged in the dialectical tangle of talks, statements, parades, commemorations.
Read more Bonaccini confirms the arrogance of the left | Libero Quotidiano.it
More oppressive than the scaffolding tubes. Forget Gramsci. On whom, by the way, another clarification must be made. And I borrow it from the latest book by my friend Carmelo Briguglio, Il primato Meloni (Kimerik), who explains that the concept of cultural hegemony is not due to Gramsci but has its roots in a rich Risorgimento debate featuring names like Jacini, Cesare Balbo, Gioberti, Cavour, Tommaseo. In short, Gramsci copied from the historical right. Not only that, but this story of right-wing Gramscism dates back to the late Seventies (Tarchi and Rauti picked it up from Alain de Benoist) and at the time simply meant this: dear neo-fascists, instead of throwing punches, start studying a bit. Period. Just that.
Then it happened that three years ago Francesco Giubilei organized the conference Pensare l’immaginario, general states of right-wing culture, which infuriated those on the other barricade. With Christian Raimo counting how many white, old males were present in a patriarchal audience without women. Then if you really have to fish on the left, why not take Costanzo Preve, an intelligent Marxist, for whom today the problem is not which culture is winning but that nobody cares about culture. Only induced needs for exhausted consumers (to put it like Céline). Enough with this Gramsci then and let’s reevaluate Guareschi (quoted by Buttafuoco in those general states of right-wing culture) who, returning from German captivity, asks: “Which way are you going? All to the left? And I go to the right.”
Read more If Franceschini teaches us the dignity of illness | Libero Quotidiano.it
In short, this hegemonic project never existed except in the mind of a left that did not understand how Meloni managed to win. Yesterday Antonio Di Bella said it on Omnibus, very simply: “I know I am going against the current but Meloni has shown Italians a vision. I defend your identity, your Homeland, your past.” There: was it so hard? Without dragging Gramsci into it, without pulling the Duce by the jacket, without counting commas in Vannacci’s program. What does the left have to offer instead? The revisiting of an old anti-government slogan: “Rumor government, government of robbery. Bread rises, gasoline rises.” It was the mid-Seventies (it was, among other things, my first march). Meanwhile, Gazzetta del Mezzogiorno informs us that FdI is taking care of the stage design for Meloni’s party in Bari for the longevity of her government. Stage facing the sea, leader’s entrance at sunset. The party participants will walk through a corridor of lights. Would they have preferred cemetery candles? Against this stuff, there is not even a need for a counter-hegemony. An anti-Casalino is enough (and more than enough).
